The Grenadian Revolution, Part 5: We Should Move, Rather Than Wait To Be Killed (Transcript)
National Liberation Army
Before we speak on the overthrow of the Gairy’s government, let's rewind a bit for there is special group of people who up to this point we have not mentioned.
Now, there is NJM, the New Jewel Movement - a political party. However, there exist a subgroup of the party and that was the National Liberation Army (NLA). In his autobiographical account of the revolution, ‘We Move Tonight: The Making of the Grenada Revolution’, Joseph Ewart Layne would state that Hudson Austin, a civil engineer who was the accepted commander of NLA, told him that, “The NLA is the military wing of the New Jewel Movement which will deliver the Grenadian people from the clutches of of Gairyism”The NLA was formed in 1973 and was birthed out of the 1973 and 1974 strikes that took place in Grenada, and throughout the 1970’s, this group would operated under the radar. Still, Joseph Ewart Layne would recount a particular incident that occurred in the November of 1977. According to Mr. Layne, he was told that he was selected to go overseas for a special training. According to this recantation, one Sunday in December of 1977, 11 men and 1 woman of the NLA, left Grenada for this military training course. You might note that we did not refer to which country this training took place for our research did not refer to the exact location. However, what we did find was an essay by Andaiye, celebrated Guyanese feminist political activist and a past member of the Working People’s Alliance, a political party in Guyana who had past leadership such as Dr. Walter Rodney and Dr. Clive Y. Thomas, making reference to this event. This essay was prepared for the panel “The Grenada Revolution: Regional Perspectives” for the Caribbean Studies Association Annual Conference in 2010. In this essay, Andaiye stated that NJM had relationships with both the People's Progressive Party (PPP) and People's National Congress Reform (PNC), both political parties in Guyana. Most importantly, she noted that the PNC provided NJM with both military training and assistance. As such, Guyana might be the country in question. To note, the PNC was the ruling party in Guyana throughout the 1970’s and we will speak on the PNC government again, later in this episode. Then there was the issue of arming NLA. In a 1979 interview with Caribbean Life and Times, when Maurice Bishop was asked when did the NJM started to acquire guns, Bishop did not answer. Still, Joseph Ewart Layne would outline that the first time he, himself, came across guns to arm the NLA, would be in earlier part of 1978. According to him, he help unloaded 16 M-1 rifles and over 1000 rounds of ammunition came into the country with containers labelled “GREASE”. Months after this, the NJM was planning a fifth year anniversary of Bloody Sunday. This was to take the form of a Sunday rally. However in the middle of this event been planned, Gairy issued a banned on the public rally. Realising the situation they were in, reports from persons apart of the movement at this time, stated that the NJM started began planning a special operation. Throughout November to December of 1978, the party drew up plans to overthrow Gairy and his government. According to Joseph Ewart Layne, this plan was divided into three states: Stage 1 which was to capture Gairy and take him as prisoner. Then the army, the Green Beast, was to be broken up and their weapons seized. At this stage, they would also take control of the national radio station.
Stage 2 consists of plans to called a general uprising in which NJM took control of the 36 police stations on the island.
Stage 3 involved the rounding up of all Gairy’s inner circle to prevent any chance of regrouping in Gairy’s name.
Allegedly, with this systematic plan in place, the NJM made plans to target Gairy in February with six men disguised in police uniforms to capture Gairy in the early hours of the morning. Then with the armed support of the 16 rifles, the organisation retrieved back in 1978 in the ‘GREASE’ labelled barrels, they would ambushed the Green Breast at True Blue barracks. But this overthrow in the early days of February 1979, was not to passed for both Maurice Bishop and Bernard Coard, had their doubts about how effective and prepared persons were in their execution of the plan. At this time, Bishop served as the chairman of the NJM’s Security and Defence (S&D) Committee which was responsible for the party’s military affairs. Bernard served as the chairman of the party’s Organising Committee. There would be 2 more delays after this. Then soon after, in the same month of February 1979, the US based intelligence organisation, Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) arrested two Grenadians youth, Chester Humprey and Jim Wardally. Both men were charged with illegally exporting weapons concealed in barrels of grease to Grenada. Gloria Payne Banfield, Permanent Secretary for the Planning in the Prime Minister’s Office under the Gairy’s administration, who appeared in a documentary on Eric Gairy by Bev Sinclair, stated thisBut there was another occurrence that was very interesting. That that year at Independence 1979, he announced that the FBI in the United States had contacted him about- about barrels of grease in which guns were being smuggled into Grenada. And apparently, some people were found in a warehouse in Maryland, packing these barrels, but they claim that one or two of the barrels had already come in.
This incident would create multiple rumours in the Grenada, resulting in numerous police raids on the house of members of NJM taken place throughout February and early March of 1979.Instructions Are Given
But then things took a turn quickly. On Saturday, March 10th, 1979, NJM members were in St. George’s to discuss the impending general election, after Eric Gairy, began to law down election signals. Allegedly minutes into this meeting, a woman burst through the door shouting that the police was coming. She informed the meeting occupants that police officers were breaking into homes of both Bishop and Coard. Apparently four senior members of the party, Bishop, Coard, Unison Whiteman and Hudson Austin were all wanted by the police. The meeting broke up instantly where Bishop, Coard and Whiteman went to South St. Georges. The rest of leadership of NJM would then go into hiding except for Vincent Noel, who unfortunately got the news late and he was arrested and detained by the police. According to Joseph Ewart Layne, when he went to St. David on that same day to inform of NJM supporters of these new development, they were of one accord: when it comes to Sir Eric Gairy, there was only one option - “Grease him”.But apparently, Eric Gairy had other plans of who would be “greased”. On Monday, March 12, 1979, Eric Gairy departed the Grenada for New York on government business and already, allegedly, left instructions regarding the future of the members of NJM. An NJM informant in senior levels of the police force, inform the party’s personnels that Gairy instructed his security officials that by the time he came back from New York, where he would be spending a week, he wanted to see either graves or cells of NJM leadership. According to historians, Catherine Sunshine and Phillip Wheaton in their book, Grenada: The Peaceful Revolution, “Gairy’s pattern of leaving Grenada after ordering his security forces to carry out repressive actions was well known and his departure provided the final confirmation that violence was imminent” If you are wondering at this time where Bishop, Coard and Whiteman were after fleeing the meeting of March 10th, well, from all documentation of them at this time, the three men were hiding ironically, in a house 300 meters from Gairy’s official residence, Mt. Royal. To note, this is not the first time that the leadership of NJM had to go into hiding. Belmar Innocent, the commissioner of police we mentioned the episode prior whom the Duffus Commission adviced to leave public office over the events of Bloody Sunday, well he was assassinated in January of 1978. Fearing for their lives as some were of the view that the NJM was behind his death, for at this time Belmar was serving as a minister in Gairy’s cabinet, the leadership of NJM went into hiding. However soon after police accused Kennedy Budhlall and his Tivoli Group of carrying out the killing. The NJM members would not come out of hiding until the situation had returned to normal. Bishop would go on to lead the defence team for Budhlall and his co-accused. Yet, this was not like 1978, and a more tense atmosphere cloaked the island. Something was heating up in the country and at this point, it seems that the almost 12 years of political turmoil was catching up to everyone in the country. The question was when would it reach its boiling point. On Tuesday, March 13th, 1979, Grenadians would find out. 12 Hours
As mentioned before, when Gairy departed Grenada on Monday, March 12, 1979, he allegedly leaf behind instructions for the arrest and subsequent assassination of leaders of NJM. On that same day, in the mid afternoon, while in hiding, the NJM leadership decided that this was the D-Day. Maurice Bishop would give this account: We were inform on the Saturday before the Tuesday that the intention of the government was to search us and detain us. We decided to go underground. While we were underground, more information came to us on the Monday morning that the plan was that Gairy was going to flee the country, leaving orders to have our leadership killed. We therefore, around three o'clock, summon a council - meeting about top cadets. And there and then, the decision was taken that we should move rather than wait to be killed.
Then in just twelve hours, the leadership of NJM went about planning the overthrow of Gairy’s government. Still, it was not in their favour. NJM had around 60 people to take part in this revolution. They only had 16 M-1 rifles, and a handful of shotguns, revolvers and Molotov cocktails. Still, Bishop captured this risky spirit of the movement at this when he stated, “It was them or us and we didn’t plan on it being us”. In a 1979 interview with the Caribbean Sun in an article titled, “How the Overthrow Was Organised,”, Bernard Coard said the following: “That kind of party organisation was forced upon us by the making of our newspaper illegal, by the refusal to use loudspeakers, by the refusal to permit us to hold public meetings, to demonstrate, and so on. The other side of that coin was that it forced us to be a disciplined, organised, tightly-knit security-conscious party, so that it was therefore possible in the circumstances to call on people day and night, to respond to the call, and move swiftly”.
So, just for your understanding, this is the situation at around 4 pm on Monday, March 12, 1979 in a house in St. Georges : a small group of teenagers, 20 and early 30 year old somethings were planning an event that has never happen in anglophone Caribbean history - a successful revolution. According to the Caribbean Sun, the NJM strategy of overthrowing Gairy was based on three assumptions: They believe that a majority of Grenadians would back them in Gairy’s overthrownGairy’s supporters would not fight backThe Grenadian police and army would offer no resistance to the overthrow of Gairy
So with these assumptions and a handful of weapons but with almost 6 years of frustration under Gairy’s government and the knowledge that leadership would not live to see the end of week, at around 4 am on Tuesday, March 13, 1979, forty six members of NLA came rolling down Freedom Hill towards True Blue Barracks. History Is Made
True Blue Barracks was located 4 to 5 miles from St. Georges and house the main army barracks of Grenada. In the wee hours at 4am, loud bangs woke up soldiers at True Blue. The soldiers were taken by surprise and in just an hour, the young persons of NLA burnt the barracks to the ground and captured all weapon and ammunition that was house there. The soldiers who did not fled, were arrested. Then, as outline in their plan, the NJM went after the radio station. At 5 am, the country’s national radio was captured and was soon after declared the headquarters of Revolution. The first news of the revolution was broadcasted to the nation at around 6 am.“The government of the criminal dictator Eric M. Gairy has been overthrown. The entire army has surrendered. And all the arms have been captured”
In the radio broadcasted the NJM leadership also demanded that police stations surrender and to do this they asked them to hoist a white flag. After, they then began to mobilise persons. In the same radio broadcast, they stated: “Attention, the people of Grenada... All workers, youth, women, members of the public are asked to gather at central places and await the arrival of the armed forces of the People's Revolutionary Army. You are called upon to go with our armed forces to make sure that the police stations are already showing the white flag of surrender. Those which are not, will have to be dealt with. This revolution is your revolution. The freedom coming is for all of us. Play your part now”
Minutes after the broadcast, a large crowd gathered around different police stations across the country, armed with knives and cutlasses instructing police offers to raise a white flag and surrender. Then volunteers crossed the island would guard against any counter revolutionary activities, while others created roadblocks to search cars for concealed weapons. Telephone workers would then block all overseas calls coming into the country and then a large crowd would gather at the revolution headquarters - the radio station. Here, citizens lent their vehicles so NJM personnels could transport persons and weapons, while other persons, mostly women, cooked vast quantities of hot food for members of NJM. Renowed English journalist Hugh O’Shaughnessy would be quoted as saying, “the coup was enormously popular with Grenadians and it seemed as if the whole of the island was coming out into the streets to celebrate” Then at 10 am, with the help of citizens, NJM rounded up members of Mongoose Gang. It seems that NJM assumptions of how Grenadians would react to the revolution were correct because soon after, cabinet members surrendered and most of the police stations had either given their support for the revolution or surrendered. It was until 4pm that the last police station was controlled.Then at around 10:30, Maurice Bishop who would emerge as the leader of the revolution, would give his maiden address:“Let me assure all supporters of the former Gairy government that they will not be injured in any way. Their homes, their families and their lives are completely safe, so as they do not offer violence to our government. However, those who resist violently would be firmly dealt with”
Still, this assurance was not even necessary for there was little to no opposition to the revolution. In actuality, only 3 persons died during the whole ordeal - two of Gairy’s soldiers and an alleged accidental death of a civilian. By that evening about 60 persons had been placed in custody, mostly members of the Mongoose Gang. This almost bloodless coup would give the revolution its nickname - the Peaceful Revolution. In his 1979 interview with the Caribbean Sun, Bishop stated “Our position has always been very simple” he said “peaceful means if possible, revolution if necessary” . In someway, NJM achieved both. In the same radio broadcast, Bishop went on to say: “People of Grenada, this revolution is for work, for food, for decent housing and health services, and a for bright future for our children and great grandchildren. The benefits of the revolution will be given to everyone regardless of political opinion or which political party they support. Let us all unite as one…”
Around 4pm Gairy’s wife, Lady Cynthia Gairy, who was also a member of parliament and Grenada’s deputy prime minister, Herbert Preudhomme, issued statements calling for the full cooperation with the now new government.Then there was a press conference between 4pm and 4:30 that day and by then, the events of March 13th, were more or less over. Gairy’s Reaction
Gairy, upon hearing of the revolution, would initially dismissed the historic event. He issued statements to the press where he claimed that he was still prime minister and that the radio station was seized by a “little group of communists”. Historians Catherine Sunshine and Phillip Wheaton stated that Gairy asked for arms and mercenaries from the US, Canada and Britain, to retaliate, however, they all refused his request. Still, almost a week after the revolution, almost twenty thousands persons gathered in Queen’s Park stadium in St. Georges. Reports stated that the crowd would sing, dance and shout “Freedom come, Gairy go, Gairy gone with U.F.O.!” So, on March 20th, Gairy would finally resigned as prime minister of the country and would remained in the United States. In the days after the revolution, members of NJM broke into Gairy’s home at Mt. Royal. Allegedly, they found a collection of crosses and statuettes, animal skulls, ceremonial robes and books on witchcraft. In a documentary of the Grenadian Revolution by the Associated Press, titled, “Grenadian’s Bishop’s Move”, pictures of these items can be seen. Then, allegedly, they also found pornographic photographs of sexually exploited women. Also stated in this search was an apparent enemies list “naming 30 persons” - two of whom were already murdered. Then, news came after that there was only $24 left in the national treasury. The Caribbean React
When news reach the ears of the other Caribbean countries, there were multiple reactions to the revolution and the formation of the new government: The People’s Revolutionary Government, PRG. The first country to recognise the new government was Guyana whose prime minister was Forbes Burnham, a member of the PNC party. In the first 24 hours of the revolution, Burnham would provide Grenada with arms, training officers and rice. Then, there was Jamaica, where by 9:00 am on the day of the revolution, Prime Minister Michael Manley was on the phone with Maurice Bishop. Then there is an important side note here: Both Micheal Manley and Forbes Burnham were university friends where both men attended the London School of Economics and Political Science in the 1940’s. They were both students of the same socialist political academic, Dr Harold Laski. Dr. Laski other students, who shared classes with both men, at this exact same time, included Barbados’ future prime minister, Errol Barrow and Lee Kuan Yew, former prime minister of Singapore who is known as the country’s founding father. There was also Pierre Trudeau, future Canadian prime minister and father of the country’s current prime minister as of 2022, Justin Trudeau.This friendship between all these men would last through the ages. In her book, Drumblair by Rachel Manley, Micheal Manley’s daughter, stated that both Errol Barrow and Forbes Burnham, were her god-parents. As such, it would come as no surprise to you our listeners that it would be both Micheal Manley and Forbes Burnham who would serve as the international public relations officers of the revolution where they were quoted as to “worked tirelessly and successfully from the first hours to secure international recognition for the Revolution”. Barbados recognition came after where prime minister Tom Adams recognised the new government. Still, the historians Catherine Sunshine and Phillip Wheaton in their book, Grenada: The Peaceful Revolution spoke on these three recognitions: “Jamaica’s support reflected the progressive spirit of Manley's democratic socialism. Guyana's motivation was to preserve its facade of a progressive foreign policy which covered a multitude of injustices within its domestic borders. Barbados’ official recognition turned out to be merely a cover-up for harassment tactics which reflected its close dependency upon the United States, which was obviously displeased with the revolt”And for this quote, a brief explanation is needed for persons who might need more context. In the matter of Jamaica, Prime Minister Michael Manley would come to power in the 1972, and his ruling government would style their leftist politics, democratic socialism, which saw throughout the 1970’s, Jamaica aligning itself with similar leftist governments and causes of the global south. In Guyana, Forbes Burnham overtime developed an authoritarian style of politics where many political and social scientist refer to him as dictator where his government developed a wrap sheet for multiple human rights violations and injustices. Dr. Walter Rodney, in his last popular work before his assassination, “People’s Power, No Dictator” published in October 1979, stated that “The Burnham dictatorship crept up upon Guyanese people like a thief in the night. His violations of human rights were frequent, but they were sufficiently gradual that many persons did not realise what was going on until it was too late”. Then in the matter of Barbados, historians, Catherine Sunshine and Phillip Wheaton stated that Tom Adams, the island’s prime minister, tried to stop Britain, France and Canada from recognising PRG. They also stated that he attempted to block Grenada's application for membership in the Socialist International. But onwards with the other Caribbean countries’ reactions. Cuban president Fidel Castro would describe the attack on the True Blue Barracks as “a successful Moncada”. Then, most of the other eastern islands would come out against the revolution. To note, Bishop up to this point had a reputation as not only one of the best defence attorneys in Grenada but a regional human rights lawyer who had close relations with other left leaning persons in the region. As such, Grenada’s closest neighbours saw the potential of the revolution, creating a ripple effect in their country. In his publication, “Revolutionary Grenada and the United States”, Dr. Ken Boodhoo stated that "While privately these states were pleased that Gairy was forced out, they, to some degree, objected to the manner in which it was done. While firstly, political change in the English Caribbean, in accordance with the Westminster system, was always achieved peacefully, Caribbean leadership began to wonder whether a precedent was now established for similar change in their own countries” Still, there was country whose reaction was of the upmost importance and that was Trinidad and Tobago. On past episodes, we have spoken about the historic relationship between both countries. Trinidad and Tobago, with Dr. Eric Williams as their prime minister, in time would recognise the new government. However, they made their position clear that they would not interfere with the internal affairs of Grenada but until the PRG held a free and fair election, there would be no cooperation on T&T’s parts with the government. To this Bishop would state: (Insert Audio)
We're hoping that process will be completed fairly soon. We're about to get involved in the question of enumerating the list of voters, which is of course a necessary prerequisite to the holding of elections. I can't give you a date but we're working on it.
Then, there was the US reaction. Initially, they recognised the PRG government, however that recognition was questionable. Immediately after the revolution when Grenada seek economic aid to rebuild its economy, the US only offered them US$5,000. Over time the US would began to see Grenada as a threat - its the middle of the Cold War after all and the NJM was a Marxist - Leninist party. Grenada Was One Of Us
Still, the NJM would spur into action by getting to work on the country’s legislation and recovering their economy and society. The newly formed People’s Revolutionary Government consist of fourteen members: nine members of NJM and five other persons, some from the business community and the Grenada National Party, GNP. The group also included a medical doctor and a school teacher. The NJM members apart of the government included: Maurice Bishop, appointed as Prime Minister as well as Minister of Information, Minister of Interior and National Defence; Minister of Health and Minister of Carriacou and Petit Martinique Affairs
For persons who may not be aware, Carriacou and Petit Martinique are nearby dependency islands of Grenada. Bernard Coard, appointed Deputy Prime Minister; Minister of Finance, Trade and Planning
Kenrick Radix, appointed as Attorney General; Minister of Legal Affairs; Minister of Agro-Industry and Industrial Development
Unison Whiteman, appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, Tourism and Civil Aviation
Selwyn Strachan, appointed Minister of National Mobilization
George Louison, appointed Minister of Agriculture, Rural Development and Cooperatives
Hudson Austin, appointed Commander of Revolutionary Armed Forces and Minister of Labour, Communication and Works
Norris Bain, appointed Minister of Housing
Jacqueline Creft, appointed Minister of Education, Youth, Sports, Women, Social Services and Community Development.
Not a member of the revolutionary government but still important, there was the then 32 year old, international relations graduate student Dr. Dessima Williams. Bishop would appoint her to the position of Grenada’s ambassador to the US and the OAS, who throughout her tenure would never be acknowledge by US authorities. They refused to accept her credentials.To note, the government was primarily made up of young persons in their 20’s and 30’s where their prime minister was only 34 years old. And yet, Grenada which has been under political and societal tension for almost 12 years, would begin a new era in her history, energise by the revolutionary government’s motto:, “Forward Ever, Backward Never.’’Still, this island state created history as the first country in the anglophone Caribbean to have a successful revolution. In the book, “The Point Is To Change the World: Selected Writings of Andaiye” edited by Dr. Alissa Trotz, Andaiye would sum up the impact of the revolution in her country of Guyana and the larger anglophone Caribbean in a 2010 published essay titled: The Grenada Revolution, the Caribbean Left, and the Regional Women’s Movement: Preliminary Notes One Journey. “I was standing outside the Centre of the Working People’s Alliance (WPA) in Tiger Bay in the Guyana capital, Georgetown, sometime during the morning of March 13, 1979, when I saw a man running towards the centre, shouting. As he came closer I realized that it was one of the leaders of the pre-party WPA, Sase - the last person I would expect to see running down the street dressed in his well-ironed jan and trousers, briefcase flapping against his leg. Not until he reached almost right up to me did I realize that he was shouting “Maurice overthrow Gairy!” As the news spread, members and supporters poured into the center, euphoric. Soon, posters sprang up all over the city proclaiming “De Shah [of Iran] gone! Gairy gone! Who next?” The answer, of course, was “Burnham,” the Guyana President. We knew that getting him out of office would be far harder than removing Gairy in Grenada. The blatant and massive rigging of the Guyanese elections of 1968 and 1973 had demonstrated his absolute determination not to be voted out of office. Key institutions had been brought under his control with the Sophia Declaration of 1974 which promulgated the paramountcy of his party over the state. The level of militarization in Guyana far exceeded that in Grenada. To control workers, the President had state ownership of 80 percent of the economy available for abuse. In 1978, with a rigged referendum, he had ensured himself unprecedented powers under the Constitution. In March 1979, the WPA was still a loosely organized though influential pressure group of just about 50–60 members. But at the beginning of 1979 we made the analysis, carried in the January issue of Dayclean, that 1979 would be “the year of the turn,” and the victory in Grenada was firing our self-belief as it would fire the self-belief of the people of the whole English-speaking Caribbean. This was the world before Reaganism and Thatcherism and neo-liberalism, a world of rebellion on every continent and sometimes on the islands in between—armed anti-colonial and anti-imperial struggles; youth and student uprisings, including in the United States against the Vietnam war; the civil rights movement; the Black power movement; the rise of the second wave of the women’s movement. But Grenada was different: Grenada was one of us showing that we, too, could make revolution”